The first step in this siege started in New York, not Yorktown. Here Washington was in conflict with General Clinton and was working on a plan with Rochambeau. Both Washington and Rochambeau knew that the French Navy was on its way, and when word came that they were sailing for Yorktown the two men decided to switch their efforts to Cornwallis. Washington wanted to make sure that his men would be able to match out of the area undetected by Clinton, they did not have the time nor the efforts to face him in battle. Washington set up an entire campsite to make it look as though the troops were still there- the plan. The men the marched out to Virginia under the cover of night- the luck. Clinton was unaware of their departure until they were too far away to be stopped-the English failure.

Once Washington and Rochambeau reached Yorktown they were again met with a combination of skill and luck. Cornwallis never expected to face a battle, never expected the French Navy to show up in the York River, and certainly never expected to surrender. Because of this he made some dyer mistakes throughout the battle. Both Cornwallis and Clinton had thought that the French Navy would go to New York, and so Cornwallis sent half of his troops north to help Clinton. Then, once they realized that the Navy was in Yorktown it took time to repair the ships before the troops could go back south though all along Clinton said that he had given the troops the order to leave. Also, since they were under siege, Cornwallis slaughtered his own horses so that he would not have to feed them and also in an attempt to block up the river. He also went as far as sinking his own ships to keep the Americans and the French from advancing. After all, he never expected to need either; he thought that the English Navy was on its way and that they would simply get on the boat and leave. When he realized that there was no hope left he called for a retreat. 1000 men made it across the river to safety but foul weather damaged their boats and the rest of the men were stuck. Each of these assumptions and actions put America in a better and better place for victory.

We know that Cornwallis was not a bad general, so why did he make so many mistakes? The answer is simple; he had no reason to assume that the English and the French would work well together to present a united front, that the French Navy, and that his troops would fail to reach him in time. Never before had the English and French worked so well together, and it would never happen again. Never before had the French Navy come to the aid of the Americans, and it would never happen again. Clinton told him that his own Navy was on its way, he had no reason to doubt him. But these odd turns of fate all collided into one gigantic failure. Cornwallis did the only thing he could. He surrendered. The next day, his ships did show up but it was too late. The English had lost the South.

To be fair to Cornwallis, he could not possibly have known that the French would actually ally with the rebels. Nor could he have known that Washington had set up an elaborate ruse including troop movements and empty tents to make him think New York was the happenin' place to be in order to keep most of his ships out of the way. Likewise, he could not have known that Plymouth, while malaria infested, would possibly have not been the worst place for him and his troops to summer. Not only did Cornwallis not want to be in Plymouth, he didn't even want to be in Yorktown a town which reached its peak during the siege.
The final circumstance that Cornwallis could not have predicted was that, although he delayed fighting as much as possible on the assumption he would soon be relieved, Clinton would not actually arrive until one day after he surrendered. All of these situations combined actually made me feel a bit sorry for Cornwallis. He was being ordered by Lord George Germaine who stayed in England throughout the conflict, he was chronically undersupplied and popular sentiment was against him. There doesn't seem to be much in his favor aside from a vastly superior navy, as well as better weaponry (as long as it didn't fall into the hands of the rebels as some cannons did). For all that then English began the war thinking it would be brief, they certainly lost in a most inglorious way. Not that that negatively impacted Cornwallis' reputation; he went on to become governor- general of India twice and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.

The English seem to have suffered from "It works on paper" syndrome in which the intended plans ought to work, but usually go terribly awry. The English assumed that most southerners would be loyalists due to their mercantile status. Trade with England was profitable and the areas of discontent had so far only occurred in New England. So, the idea was to cut off New England from the rest of the colonies to contain the rebels while acquiring supplies from Southern Loyalists. This worked about as well as when the same thing was attempted in 1607- in that it didn't. There were far more revolutionists in the south than previously supposed and they were not inclined to support Cornwallis. The fact that the colonists were in the habit of stringing up or driving out the loyalists certainly did not incline people to be overly vocal about their support of George III.

The English also seem to have counted on dealing mostly with the militia, which would have been to their favor. The militias were undertrained, underfunded and more likely to run back home since they fought in familiar territory. These would be the "farmers with pitchforks" Cornwallis was so contemptuous of (line courtesy of the second worst movie ever made). Our discussions today reinforced the idea that after the Battle of Saratoga, the war was a foregone conclusion. At the very least, Cornwallis' decisions combined with unforeseeable circumstances, made his defeat at Yorktown and near inevitability.

July 3rd, 1862

Dear Anne,
I am taking advantage of a brief respite in our march to write you and tell you that I am safe and well. I know you are scolding me as you read this for not having written before, but your letter took some days to reach me and I have not found pen or paper till this moment.

I do not think that I ever truly saw war while I fought in the Shenandoah. A few hours of fighting, maybe a day, but nothing gained or lost, we simply hounded the enemy. But now, we have fought for seven days without end. Anne, it was as if demons of hell had fought on the battlefield instead of men and devoured everything in their paths. At Malvern Hill our men marched forward through an open field as Yankee cannon exploded around them. It was a slaughter. Even those places we mark as victories are steeped in blood. At Gaines Mill the Yankees had the high ground and surrounded it with three lines of fire. Generals ordered their men to attack. They marched forward through a hail of bullets and smoke so thick that more than one man tripped and could no longer march on. Sometimes all we had to guide us were the flashes of light as the Yanks fired at us. The 33rd arrived in the evening and we were immediately moved to the front of the line. Marching down that ravine was the hardest thing I have ever done. The ground was covered with bodies; we stepped more often on men than on actual ground. In the midst of all this carnage, someone, somewhere, broke through their lines. The Yankee line collapsed. We took the high ground, and we sent them running. Oh, what a chase it was, Anne! We chased them all the way to the James until we came within range of their gunboats and were forced to withdraw. But we beat them!

The Yankees have taken refuge at Berkeley Plantation for now. Some of the men say that it was Mr. Harrison, who lived there during the Revolution, who wrote the Declaration and not Mr. Jefferson. I do not know how they came by this idea, but since both men are Virginians, I see no problems with it.

Much of the talk around the campfire now, when not about this new history lesson, is of our new commander, General Lee. I must admit, I trust him more than I ever trusted Johnson. I would follow him into battle, even now, exhausted as I am, if he asked it. He has done a remarkable thing in the time since he came to command. This army is such a rag tag group of men, and so many are there to fight for their state; I cannot fault them for it, since I am here to protect Richmond and Virginia and those I love. This does mean however that some governments are reluctant to give up control of their troops and the threat is ever constant that they will call their regiments back to fight at home. We are dangerously divided. But Lee has created an army that speaks for the entire south, though we call it the Army of Northern Virginia. With this battle, this victory, we are more united in our cause than ever before.

While I believe in General Lee and his abilities, I am still worried about our army. Malvern Hill proved that some of our generals do not have the courage or the intelligence to take the initiative and change suicidal orders. MacGruder, who many consider a fine general for his defense of Williamsburg earlier this year, has been sent west. Some of our commanders, such as General Pickett, have never commanded in such numbers before. Others, again, like General Pickett, are wounded, or even killed, in battle, leaving command of the troops to less experienced men. I will admit I would not feel confident marching into battle with such men leading us if General Lee were not in command to oversee things.

These battles have also uncovered serious gaps in communications between divisions, and even brigades and regiments. General Jackson, it is said, did not attack when he was ordered to and instead waited till evening before moving forward. Attacks went awry because regiments could not find each other, or could not attack together. We are outnumbered, out gunned, and fighting a defensive war. The only way we can hope to end this war is to deliver a decisive blow to the North, and to accomplish this we must move quickly and with unity. Otherwise I fear we shall be drawn into a long war that we shall have little hope of winning without foreign assistance. Are the bureaucrats in Richmond making any progress at bringing England in on our side, Anne? Or do you think we will have to win this war on our own? We have the will to win-I have never been so sure of myself and our cause as I am now, and the men are now more than ever determined to defend their loved ones and their country-but we must channel this somehow into a mighty, unstoppable army. The sooner General Lee can unite us, the better. There has never been such a violent and sustained battle in this war before. The Yankees will not let this stand. I fear that they will set aside the gloves and will ransack the countryside, burn farms and plantations and take away as much food as they can carry. It is said that their generals only let Berkeley Plantation stand because it serves as a hospital. There is also the threat that they will raise more men to attack us. But if we strike soon, before they attack again, we may bring them to peace. Elections are fast approaching in the north. People are growing weary of the fight, and this battle will surely bring home to them just how terrible war is. Perhaps now those few Yankees with a conscience will elect those who understand our cause, and will let us create our own country. Perhaps now they will let us go.

I wish to believe that the possibility is a strong one. Yet, if I were in their place, I would feel determined to commit all my resources. The Yanks have not been truly serious till now. I fear that now they will not be so easy to defeat as before. But Richmond is safe. Without the capital, the Confederacy will fall. And if the capital were to fall, I should lose you. I have seen enough of fighting, Anne. Sometimes I feel I can only fight on because if I do not, the Yanks may win, and then you and our families would be in danger. I will endure any hardship to prevent that.

There is some good news that comes from this battle. I have seen your father and Joshua, your brother, though only in passing, for we were hurrying after McClellan. Neither is injured, and your father asked me to assure you that he will write soon, if only to escape a scolding from you and your mother. I hear rumors that the army may pull back to Richmond once McClellan is cleared from the Peninsula. If this does happen, I shall try to come and see you. Until then, I remain,
Yours,
Gabriel Donahan

A crucial element of the Seven Days Battle was the moving of troops. Both the Union and Confederate forces were forced to engage in this drawn-out battle in many different locations without reliable means of communication and despite confusing terrain. How appropriate that, even though we were driving in a warm van along marked roads, we got lost on our trip! Confusion was rampant during this campaign. As Joseph T. Glatthaar writes in his chapter entitled, "The Battle For Richmond: The Seven Days Campaign," coordination proved to be a continuous source of problems, especially for the Confederacy. Jackson could not keep up with the timetables that General Lee gave to him. While perhaps the blame rests partially on General Lee for issuing too many orders and trying to participate in too much at once, because this was not the only source of confusion, it could not have bee Lee's fault entirely.

Despite the Confederacy's confusion and delayed timetable, they won the Seven Days Battle. As Glatthaar observes, in a sense, this victory completely altered the fortunes of the Confederacy because Richmond was safe and they could turn their sights on the Northern territories. This would prove to be only short-term however; the Seven Days Battle had an even more significant impact upon the Union forces. The repercussions of this impact would be much more long-term.

In his article, "The Seven Days and the Radical Persuasion," William A. Blair describes how after the Seven Days, the Union strengthened their battle tactics and became more invested in the war effort. Blair exposes these three main factors as the Union's weaknesses: the fact that some Union generals were sympathetic to the South, that the South has little unionist support, and the exclusion of slaves from the military that desperately needed increased manpower. It did not seem that the Union leaders were intending to destroy the South. As an example of their leniency, General George B. McClellan sent a guard for General Robert E. Lee's wife and house. To the Union soldiers, this act made it seem that General McClellan cared more about General Lee's family than his own soldiers. On the other hand, the Confederacy knew that if they wanted to win this war and defend their succession, they were going to have to sacrifice a lot. They were prepared for the hard years ahead and the challenges they would face by remaining loyal to the Confederacy. Blair explained how even in Union-occupied territories, Confederate sentiments were strong. The Union's recognition of the Confederacy's degree of commitment to the war was the most significant impact that the Seven Days Battle had on the Civil War.

The Union was forced in an uncomfortable balance between the abolitionists and the democrats; this balance was managed for the sake of the Border States. The Border States of Maryland, Kentucky, Missouri, Delaware and West Virginia could have sided with either the Confederacy or the Union. As noted in James McPherson's response to Barbara Fields, as a moderate Republican, Abraham Lincoln knew that prioritizing the preservation of the Union would be the most effective and lasting way of emancipating the slaves. He could not alienate the Border States by making abolition his declared priority. Slaves were not allowed to participate the in military in an effort to appease these Border States; then, the Seven Days Battle occurred. The Union realized that if they wanted to even have a chance to defeat the Confederates, they would need to incorporate former slaves in their military. Blair notes the difference between war Democrats and peace Democrats. He also explains how the North increasingly recognized that the Constitution of the United States does not apply to people who wage war upon the US. Sentiments were increasingly of the opinion that, "if someone has to pay for the war, it might as well be the South."

The "Radical Persuasion" that Blair references employs many methods. One of their primary points of persuasion emphasizes the barbarity of the Confederates. People trying to motivate and harden the Union highlight the Confederate use of torpedoes and the mistreatment of Union soldiers, both prisoners and casualties. The logic of this argument follows the form of "if our enemies are doing x, we are justified in doing x too." Congress finally amended the Constitution to allow President Lincoln the necessary power to mobilize additional troops and use former slaves for any purpose deemed necessary. Specifically after the Seven Days Battle, Congress passed a bill about the confiscation of rebel property. Blair argues that if the Union had won the Seven Days Battle, things would have been worse for them in the long run, and the Confederacy would have probably proved victorious. The loss at the Seven Days Battle was exactly the "push" the Union needed to jump into the war with both feet as the Confederacy had done a long time before them.

It is an understatement to say that the challenges that that we faced paled in comparison to the cruel carnage that the soldiers faced. When we trekked across the wet grass of the battlefields, we complained of the wind. As the time approached noon, our grumbling stomachs interrupted our focus. Even on the ride back to William and Mary, our minds could not help but to begin to worry about the piles of work that awaited us, a weight on our shoulders that would probably last until the late hours of Sunday night.

As I gazed upon the eerily serene "checkerboard" of battlefields and overgrown forests, I could not help but to think about the hellish scenes that occurred not 200 years ago. The bullets we saw in the basement of the Berkeley Plantation and the resulting conversation regarding amputation made it nearly impossible for me to even imagine engaging in a battle where bullet wounds and amputation were very likely to occur. I cannot begin to fathom how much courage the soldiers in the Civil War- as in any war- must have had in order to muster up the strength to fight. Especially in the South, young men ages 18-22 made up a significant portion of the army. They were full of energy and believed that becoming a soldier would provide hem with the constant adventure for which they hungered. With the unprecedented carnage of the 7 Days Battle, many of these young soldiers experienced horrors beyond their expectations. As DH Hill noted, it was not war, but murder.

The confusion and tension of the Civil War did not cease when Lee surrendered at the Appomattox Courthouse. The road to reconstruction would be long, and the road to equality for former slaves would be even longer. When I feel sick with worry thinking about my midterms, I should consider the more serious concerns of soldiers, their families, and their friends. The consequences of their actions are much more serious.

Our day began at Shirley Plantation, built by Elizabeth Hill and John Carter. Amazingly, the same family has lived in this home for the last 11 generations and continues living there to this day. One only needs to glance at the home to see that it is a stunning example of the super-elite. Like other Carter homes, Shirley displays wealth and prosperity, the marriage of John to Elizabeth follows the pattern of marrying those within your class (a trend that is continued by their children, grandchildren, ect), and the gentlemen living there in the 18th century prescribed to the upper-class way of life. A parlor was set up in the home with playing cards, indicating that gambling was also big in this home.

The next stop was Westover Plantation on the banks of the James River. This was the home of William Byrd III, a gentleman who earned the reputation of being a "bad man". Like Shirley, from the outside Westover oozes of wealth and importance. We approached the house from the river, viewing the home the same way that all of Byrd's visitors would have first seen the home. The architecture of the home alone would have shown people just how wealthy he was, but William Byrd III did not stop there. He also built two elaborate privies, one on each side of the house. Would his wife Lucy have gone out to use one of these? I doubt it. More than likely, this he was using these outhouses as another clear, visual marker of his wealth. He married Lucy Parke to increase his prospects as her grandfather was an important man in Virginia and her father in England. The label of "bad man" was earned because of his gambling habits. Byrd was a heavy drinker and an even heavier gambler. Treckel describes his habits in the article "The Empire of My Heart" and points out one particular incident where his wife had ordered a number of goods from England which made him so mad that he sold the goods. Perhaps he was one of the men who in reality could not afford to lose the large sums of money that he bet.

The last stop of the day brought us back to Williamsburg for a tour of Powhatan Plantation, the home of the Taliaferro family. Once again we saw the same signs of wealth. The home, though no longer in the style of the 1700, was large and elaborate. The family made sure to advance their status through the marriage of their daughter, Elizabeth, by marrying her to George Wythe. Our time and the information we received at this home was very limited, but they do seem to fit the mold.

Shirley plantation was not completed until 1738, which was 15 years after John and Elizabeth married. In 1771 the house was passed from John to Charles, the son of John and Elizabeth. Charles made some changes to the house that are still there today such as the attempt at indoor plumbing in the dining room, painting the interior and adding windows and pocket shutters. He also added the portico on the river side as another feature to impress visitors, people arriving at the house, and guests that may have stayed for days or weeks. Shirley plantation saw several changes after Charles Carter owned it as well. Hill Carter, Charles' youngest son inherited Shirley at age seven. Because he was just a boy and not yet fit to run the plantation, it was unfortunately run into the ground by overproduction of tobacco. When Hill Carter returned to Shirley, he was able to revive the land through his experimentation of crop rotations. Hill Carter's older sister, Elizabeth, married into another prominent Virginia family, the Byrd's. Elizabeth married William Byrd III, increasing the wealth and power of both families. This was often done to keep the political power within the small circle of people that had been able to acquire it.

The Byrd family owned and lived in Westover Plantation that sat right on the banks of the James River. The plantation is a very impressive imposing structure that was meant to be first seen from travelers on the river. It was a way to show wealth and importance within the colony. Reputation is everything in Virginia. The way people acted dressed and socialized was a huge part of who they were. Virginia was a society of men and woman that were focused on appearance. The way the people were perceived to be was much more important than how they actually were. A good example of this is William Byrd III. His reputation (through history) is that he was a bad drinker and gambler. At one point he led a group of men to attack at a Baptist church service. His problem with the Baptists was the belief that everyone was equal in the sight of God, therefore everyone was [supposedly] equal in the sight of man. This pertained to slaves and lower class whites which did not make the gentry classes happy.

These two plantations were a huge sign of wealth and power in the colonial period. Appearance was everything from your house to the clothing you wore, even the clothing that your slaves wore. The Carter's and the Byrd's were two of the wealthiest and powerful families in Virginia and that was very apparent in seeing their houses alone.

March 11th, 1862

My dearest Gabriel,
My aunt wrote three weeks ago to invite us to live with her in Richmond, knowing we in the Shenandoah are constantly harried by the threat of Union troops. I have every faith and confidence in the abilities of the famous General Jackson and our gallant 33rd Virginia to protect us, and it is rumored that the Yankees have been, dare I say it, almost courteous and honorable in their treatment of many civilians, leaving many farms and families untouched as they pass through. But Mama has heard other stories of farms ransacked and burned, and yet others of people being forced from their homes so that the buildings may serve as hospitals and headquarters for this invading army. Everything is simply taken, with no promise of payment and no consideration for the occupants who are turned out with what they can assemble in a meager five minutes. These stories infuriate me immensely, and I can only say my resolve to persevere through this war is hardened by these tales. Mama, however, was afraid that such a thing would happen to us if we stayed in our house outside New Market and decided to accept Aunt Caroline's offer. So we are now within Richmond, though I fear it is even less safe than New Market.

Work has been underway for some months now to construct forts on the Peninsula and around Richmond to keep the Yankees at bay. Now it seems the Yankees have landed at Fort Monroe and are planning a campaign up the Peninsula to take Richmond. When I can stifle my fear and see the matter as an observer, I have to wonder why we did not make more of an attempt to take Fort Monroe, since the Yankees are now using it so effectively as a stronghold in enemy territory. Often, though, I feel that we have simply escaped one danger only to be caught in another. Only two days ago word reached us of a naval battle fought at the mouth of the James as Genl. McClellan was landing his forces. The Merrimac, our own ironclad, decimated their fleet until the Union's own ironclad ship arrived, and then there was such a battle! Neither side could damage the other. Everything was set for a stalemate until a shot managed to strike the Monitor and she withdrew from the battle! The James is safe from the Yankee fleet, and Richmond free from bombardment.

Yet I wonder if Richmond will not soon be under siege of a different sort. Once the fighting begins in the spring, Richmond will become a hospital. We shall have to find places to put them, food to feed them, bandages and medicine. It is no secret Richmond is the heart of the Confederacy. If we were to fall, so too would fall the South. The Union has made no secret of the fact that they are determined to take Richmond. Soon, I fear, the supply lines to the city will be cut off as McClellan's army advances and we shall be left to fend for ourselves. It is not a worry yet, but if this war continues, Richmond will suffer for it.

My brother, it seems, has not suffered greatly from these thoughts. He has already managed to find boys of his own age living in the neighborhood. They spend their days loudly, to say the least, doing what sixteen year old boys are wont to do. If they are not inventing wild schemes of how to join to army as infantrymen they are invariably concocting tales of their future military prowess and bravery and condemning the others to lesser positions of glory. Most take it all in jest, but once or twice a young man has taken offense at a perceived slight to his bravery or honor and it has nearly come to blows. I believe it may only be Rob's common sense and his reminders of their duty to be fit and able to enlist the moment they turn 18 that have kept matters from escalating farther.

It is startling to me that our brave army is formed of boys not much older than Rob, college boys, really, who are of much the same mindset as he and his fellows. I do not imply, my dearest Gabriel, that you are included among this group, since you but a few years their senior. But it seems to me that if the younger generation is like this, must it not come from somewhere? Is it possible that the men who lead this war, who spoke for the rights of our beloved south in the halls of Congress, perhaps overreacted when Lincoln was elected, much in the way these boys do to a perceived slight? I am expressing this very badly. What I mean to say is, is it not possible that this entire war came to be because those in the government could not stifle their pride and honor and find a compromise? Rob told me of an incident where two young men were caught pulling a prank on a priest by hiding his sermon notes. When they were discovered they immediately attempted to salvage their honor from the effects of the general outcry by challenging anyone who openly criticized them to a duel. They were so serious about the matter that they walked through town armed with pistols until cooler heads prevailed. I fear it is this mindset, honor and image above all else, that has brought us to this, my Gabe. Sometimes I confess I fear we do not fight to preserve our threatened south, or Virginia, or even our rights, but instead the "honor" of those men in power.

I have asked myself what wrongdoing these men could have committed that they feel compelled to act in such a manner. Last Friday I was speaking with my dear friend Laura, who decided to accompany us with her family to the safety of Richmond. She declared that slaves on plantations to the south and east of Richmond, especially those plantations on the Peninsula where fighting will surely take place this spring, have been fleeing to Union lines in search of their freedom. These plantations belong to those who, if not in the government, have a great say it its policies, do they not? You know my position on slavery, Gabriel. I find it a distasteful, immoral institution, as I know do many in the north. Is this then the wrongdoing that these men feel they have been caught committing? It must follow then that these men realize what they are doing is wrong; otherwise they would not feel the need to defend themselves. But if indeed these men have honor, as they imply by so vigorously defending it, why do they do something so obviously dishonorable and wrong that then requires them to defend themselves? If they were truly honorable, I believe they would look beyond their own well-being and set these people free. That, I believe, is the truly honorable thing to do.

Despite lack of action on the part of their owners, the slaves, as I have already related to you, are taking matters into their own hands and freeing themselves, taking refuge behind Union lines. Many people say Lincoln will free the slaves, that his very election and this war have ensured the downfall of slavery. Perhaps on paper, yes, Mr. Lincoln will liberate these people, but they still will not be truly free, for they will face reluctant masters and intense prejudice. It is one thing to say a man is free, and another for him to truly be free. By running away and seeking their freedom as they do, blacks are freeing themselves more than any piece of paper could have done.

There is another thing that troubles me about blacks' attempts to gain their freedom. There are rumors that black regiments will be formed up north. I must confess myself afraid that news of this will reach those slaves now working to build the walls and defenses that are so crucial to the survival of Richmond and the Peninsula. If there was ever a time to fear a slave rebellion, the time would be now. Why they have not done so already, I do not know, and I do not wish to tempt fate further by dwelling on such things. But I feel that if these people truly realized that freedom is so nearly within their grasp, we should all be in very great danger.

The newspapers write that I should send letters of encouragement to you, to keep your spirits up and your faith in our great cause unwavering. Looking back at what I have written I am afraid I have done a poor job of it, telling you only of my doubts and worries. The ladies all say we must sacrifice everything to this great new country of ours. If we are to succeed we must give up parties and luxuries, spend our afternoons sewing clothes or writing patriotic poems. We must always have faith and be strong, so that you too may be strong. But I am a simple girl, and I cannot write something I do not feel, no matter how mighty or true the cause. I can only say, my dearest Gabriel, that I miss you greatly and I think of you always and wish you were here with me. Every day that goes by that I do not hear from you is torture, for I do not know if you have been injured or are well, sitting with your comrades and simply without the means to assure me of your wellbeing. Please, my dearest, write me soon so I may know that you are safe. Perhaps then I shall be able to find new courage and faith within myself to weather this war.
Ever yours,
Anne